Showing posts with label Leftism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Leftism. Show all posts

Saturday, February 03, 2007

The Nationalism of the CPB (ML) number 2

class power

WORKERS, NOV 2005 ISSUE

This article is an edited version of a talk entitled "Migration and Class Power", given at a CPBML public meeting in London on 20 October.

As a class, we have got ourselves into an awful mess. Of course, it's not all of our own making. For over three decades, we have been subjected to an unrelenting, escalating ruling class assault: more than 30 years of reaction and counter-revolution from our ruling class, which has pressed down on our daily lives, shattered our trade union culture and traditions, circumscribed our hopes and strangled our aspirations.

With only some exceptions, notably the strategic offensive undertaken by the engineers and others in the 1970s against the Industrial Relations Act and the miners' stalwart but ultimately gladiatorial defence of their industry in 1984–85, our class has not attempted to fend off, let alone repulse, these regressive attacks.

We have seen, in the mere span of a person's lifetime, the situation in Britain turned dramatically upside down. From the days of the early 1970s when the media (superficial as always) could clamour "Who rules Britain?" to now, when capitalism is naked and callous in its operations, trade unions are studiously ignored and Big Business is slavishly kow-towed to.

In the 1960s and early 1970s it was possible for Mao Tse-tung to talk about revolution being the main trend. And though with hindsight perhaps it was a slight embellishment, you still had a Soviet Union: not as revolutionary a force as it once was, showing signs of fraying round the edges and with capitulationist talk emerging at times from the likes of Kruschev and Kosygin, but still exerting a restraining influence on the world of capitalism.

The extent of migration

What is the scale of the recent migration into Britain? Official figures reveal the following:
1997
285,000
1998
332,000
1999
354,000
2000
364,000
Obviously the figures do not count any illegal immigration.

In these 4 years alone, before the accession of the new EU countries, immigration at 1,335,000 exceeded emigration by about 400,000. Since those years immigration has continued to rise. Take the months between May and December 2004: according to Home Office estimates about 130,000 nationals from eight of the new member states alone applied to work in Britain; about 123,000 of them successfully obtained work permits.

Figures from the Office for National Statistics show that 223,000 more people came into Britain than left in 2004 (more than double the annual average from 1997 to 2000). Some 583,000 entered the country. Separate figures predict the population may increase by up to 7.2 million over the next ten years.

The number of migrants from Eastern Europe EU member states has risen dramatically, due to the government's open door policy. The Home Office admits that 14,000 are now arriving every month from Eastern Europe (170,000 a year).

It is estimated that anywhere up to 200,000 illegal Turkish Kurds have entered Britain recently. Of course, if Turkey joins the EU, then that will all become legal immigration.

Employment

Post-1945 there was not a commitment to full employment: it was there in reality – or at least capitalism's definition of full employment, with no more than half a million people out of work at any time. Even at the start of the 1970s, the unemployment rate (as calculated at the time, so divide by half to equate with current figures) was around 3%.

We were in a position to defeat the Labour Party's 1969 attempt to control unions, In Place of Strife and, in the early 1970s, the Tories' Industrial Relations Act. If today it was a truce, tomorrow it could be war.

Workers are thinking beings, and depending on how they think they may then decide to act or not. Workers do not act spontaneously, nor do they act responsively, as a result of cause and effect. Actions and struggle depend on us knowing our circumstances.

In recent years there has been a marked lessening of working class confidence, clarity of thought and class organisation. Material factors were at work, the greatest of which was the rundown and destruction of our industrial manufacturing base.

From 1968 we saw an end to full employment and the re-creation of the reserve army of the unemployed; anti-trade union legislation and reduction of trade union strength; deindustrialisation; and the removal of manufacturing heartlands. Along with this came membership of the European Economic Community (now the EU), privatisation and, at the end of the 1970s, Thatcherism.

The latest weapon in the armoury of capitalism is a massive increase in the numbers of people migrating to Britain. It is not accidental; it is not without purpose. The EU requires free movement of capital and labour. This measure benefits capital, while making labour weaker, more insecure.

The migration attack

Speaking in Bradford in June, the Governor of the Bank of England, Mervyn King, put it starkly: "Immigration has reduced wage inflation. The inflow of migrant labour, especially in the past year or so from Eastern Europe, has probably led to a diminution of inflationary pressure on the labour market."

Cheap mass labour from Eastern Europe has been used to keep wages stagnant or reduce them. The real purpose of an open-door immigration policy is revealed for what it is: to undermine the wages and conditions of British workers.

Apart from Ireland, only Britain (courtesy of Jack Straw and the Labour Government) decided from 1 August 2004 to give unrestricted access to workers from the new Eastern European member states, even though transitional arrangements allowed restrictions for up to seven years.

Many of the EU's original 15 member states, including Germany, France and Italy, still have tough limits on economic migration from the ten countries which joined the EU last May. Even by the EU's regulations, countries can apply their own national migration legislation until at least 2006 and also impose entry quotas in certain professions. In contrast, the United Kingdom and Ireland have moved quickly to remove barriers in their labour markets.

Britain already has millions unemployed, however much the government attempts to reclassify them. This massive influx of labour, often concentrated in our leading urban conurbations, particularly London, will have a significant impact on our wages and conditions and on our creaking services already struggling to cope with needs and reduced financial budgets. In fact, the impact is already there in many areas.

Much of our infrastructure was already under great stress and struggling to cope – schools, hospitals, transport – and now it has this sudden, unexpected demographic change thrown into the equation. It is evident in London as you go about daily life.


Take schools as an example. In June 2005, the Association of London Government published a report entitled "Breaking Point: Examining the disruption caused by pupil mobility". It points out that government does not provide any additional resources for schools with high pupil movement.

High pupil turnover is heavily concentrated in specific geographical locations (usually where housing is cheaper – generally poorer areas) and in specific schools. One of the key factors in pupil mobility is international migration. Many of these children do not speak English or do not have fluency in the language.

The report notes that the failure to fund pupil turnover means that schools, particularly those with the additional challenges of high deprivation, do not have the capacity to meet the true level of need associated with mobile pupils or existing pupils with diverse multiple disadvantages. Most rely heavily on staff to provide support for new pupils by working additional unpaid hours – which in part reflects a dilution of teaching and learning support to all children in that school.

Research undertaken by London Metropolitan University in 2002 concluded there were approximately 80,000 asylum-seeking and refugee children in British schools, with an estimated 62,666 in schools and nurseries in London. In seven London education authorities, refugee children comprise more than 10% of the school roll: a significant concentration. Teachers feel overwhelmed by the numbers of children without English from so many backgrounds.

These levels of migration if allowed to continue will put massive strain not just on the fabric of British society but also on its mental complexion too. A nation must retain the right to control entry if it is to maintain the glue that holds it together. We wish to retain an integrated society.

Most migrants to Britain are aged under 34. Research suggests that many are university educated, prompting real concerns about a brain drain in the countries they have left.

Those coming are attempting to escape hardship elsewhere. Do they really think it's going to be easy here? Do they imagine a land flowing with milk and honey? They are in for a rude awakening. We cannot tolerate being dragged backwards by certain other groups of migrants. There is, for example, no place in Britain for African ritual murders, for devilry exorcism with its maltreatment of children. We tamed our religion a long time ago, and we shall not let religion persecute workers again. What it means to be British Are nations outmoded? Capitalism says so. Once capitalism was the spur to the building of nations, sweeping aside the localism and feudal land structures.
Now it prefers to create larger economic bases such as the EU, giving power to the larger corporations, weakening working class power. Yet as workers we only have Britain, so we have to save it. How do we see the composition of a nation? Immigrants to Britain who are serious about staying have the same choice as any other British worker: either join with other workers to improve wages and conditions, preserve liberties and quality of life or ally with capitalists. True integration has nothing to do with appreciation of the national cricket team and warm beer (though many more will be supporting England rather than Pakistan or Bangladesh or the West Indies after this summer). From 1750 to 1840 our class was torn from the land, drawn to the factories and the towns and thrown into conditions in which survival was a daily achievement. They could look to no one else but themselves for protection and alleviation. Without stars, without do-gooders and without political parties, our class founded its own bodies to defend and further the interests of its own.
The whole force of the employers' state was brought to bear upon these emerging working class organisations which, despite imprisonment, transportation to Australia, penury, acts of parliament, spies, provocateurs and even death itself, were never vanquished. In these years, the British working class first discovered for the world this absolute truth: the necessity of working class solidarity, of combination of labour against capital, of trade unionism.
In contemporary times, have we started to forget, discard, shun or just fail to apply what we knew – the vital local pride; skills; communities; brotherhoods of workers; the culture of mutual support? Guidance for the future The Labour Party now is trying to preserve capitalism in absolute decline by elevating the rights of capital above all other interests. It must be pushed aside. We must treat the Labour Party with the disdain it deserves – do not waste efforts over it. Certainly do not attempt to resurrect it as a true labour party. Do we really want to re-run the setback and disillusionment and betrayal of the last 100 years? Let it wither on the vine.
It can go the way of the Liberal party after the First World War and seemingly what has happened to the Conservative Party after the debacle of Thatcherism. Let the decline be terminal for them all. And then our class has to face squarely the conclusion that there is no way out of their predicament courtesy of one of the bourgeois parties or through capitalism's representative democracy. But how to do for ourselves when trade unions have been allowed to degenerate? Look at class for what it is, not what we want it to be. Rebuild class organisation again. Explore the experience of the British working class organisation. Start with the local. The greatest gift that the British have made to the world is in ideas: our thinking, our attitude to life.
These are largely based on our response to the material changes of industry, manufacture and science – raising collective forms of survival in the simple but stubborn form of organisation: trade unions. We have a way of life to lose; we have a future to gain. Those going – 360,000 emigrated in 2004 – have a lack of belief in Britain. Good riddance! The ones left will be those with sterner resolution, more mettle, the root and branch. Cul-de-sacs and the open road Workers must do for themselves: we are many, they are few. There are but two classes and class is everything. Without clarity about it we do not know who we are or what we are doing.
We must be in charge of our professions and protect and develop skill. We are in a guerrilla war against the capitalist enemy who for the past few decades has analysed our strengths, largely in manufacture, largely in trade unions, and been undermining and destroying these sources of our strength, letting our life-blood trickle out bit by bit. How do we break out of their encirclement? We need to know what we are defending and when. Choose terrain favourable to ourselves, employ active and passive defence, conserve our strength, and await an opportunity to defeat the enemy.
Do not underestimate, do not overestimate the enemy: the ruling class only has apparent strength due largely to our lack of activity. Developments will occur: if we don't respond, then the response of the capitalists will simply get more intense. Don't wait, or there will be worse ahead

The Nationalism of the CPB (ML)


Below are two wacky articles. The first (bottom) is from the CPB (ML) on immigration. This is very right weing indeed and I do not share their views at all.

There is a reply from Lalkar, another Stalinist rag above it entitled The Nationalism of the CPBML.

The CPBML apart from being a joke, are a very dangerous joke in that they have significant forces within many unions like the successor to NATFHE and UNISON. Many of their forces are secreted into the apparatus where they spend their time witch-hunting the left.


They need to be exposed to the cold light of day and some fresh air.


Mikey



The Nationalism of the CPBML



In the October 2006 issue of Workers, organ of the Communist Party of Britain Marxist Leninist (CPBML) (*see note at end of paragraph), there is an article entitled “Let’s have a working class debate on immigration.” The article, bewailing the high numbers of immigrants, states that “due to the increased supply of labour, wages in several unskilled and low-skilled job sectors have fallen, hitting the indigenous working class. The extra demand for housing has forced prices and rents even higher, and in many cities students now find it almost impossible to get part-time jobs to help them through college.” These two sentences in the opening paragraph mirror all the worst bourgeois influences that are drip-fed daily to workers in order to divide them along the lines of colour and/or nationality/race (and currently religion), i.e., workers from ‘outside’ lower your wages, take your jobs, put up your rents, deny your children a decent education, etc., etc. [*Not to be confused with the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), CPGB-ML, who are supportive of this paper and its views and in return whose policies are supported by this paper]
But is an “increase in the supply of labour” to be explained solely by citing immigration figures? Even if one only wants to ‘play with numbers’ this is one-sided and takes no account of people leaving the country, death rates or those entering the benefits system through disability. Also, do not every pair of workers, indigenous or otherwise, who have more than two children under this simplified accounting system add to the expansion of the class?
Yet no one is seriously suggesting curbs on procreation. What of technology? While not increasing the number of workers it can reduce the number jobs. Are we to follow General Ludd again? Then, of course, there is capital taken abroad, where it will be used to manufacture commodities cheaply (to be fair the CPBML do address this particular point later in the article but only in the sense that in taking British capital abroad the bourgeoisie are robbing British workers of work). The point, which the CPBML miss totally, is quite simple for those who choose to see it: it is the owner of the means of production who will decide who will work, with what technology, for what wages, where the work will be sited and what level of unemployment (surplus labour, indigenous or foreign) will be best for his maximum profit. That is not always an easy thing to explain in a country where the working class movement is so pitifully weak ideologically, yet that is what communists must do.
It is the height of treachery to our class (remembering that the working class stretches far beyond Britain’s boundaries), blatant racism, opportunism and pro-imperialism to opt instead for a policy of blaming the immigrant for all British workers’ woes, even if this will strike a chord with the basest instincts of many workers.
While we are on the subject of the “indigenous working class” just who are they? At what point does an immigrant family become an indigenous family?, if the answer to that question is never than even someone with the flimsiest grasp of British history would have to draw the conclusion that there are very few members of the indigenous working class about. The question of house prices, rents, etc., being the fault of immigrants is pure bunk. Immigrants tend to be shoved into the lowest quality (if any at all) housing, unless, of course, one subscribes to the somewhat popular, but totally incorrect, view that “they come over here with nothing and are given the best houses and thousands of pounds” that can be heard in any working class area and is merely a reflection of the anti-working class pap that fills the pages of the gutter press. Workers do say these things and, if not shown the errors of these views, will tend to believe them. But that is no excuse for the CPBML to pander to these views or worse, to try to give these racist views credibility.
Another point about housing is that if immigrants really are causing rents and prices to rise then one must suppose that this is due to a housing shortage, which would be alleviated by, yes, you guessed it, building more homes which would create jobs wouldn’t it? The last part of the first quote from this grubby article concerns the seeming inability of students to get “part time jobs to help them through college”. Quite apart from the fact that students would be far better off if they were allowed to concentrate on their studies (a proper non-repayable grant is the very least communists should be asking for), surely, if the CPBML’s argument about immigrants bringing down wages is correct than wouldn’t masses of students seeking part time work also bring about the same thing? It is just a short step from there to arguing that if women stayed at home there would be more jobs at higher rates.
In fact, this flawed theory can be used against any group, anything at all it seems except the political system of imperialism. The article goes on to tell us that “three quarters of the population now wants far stricter limits on immigration numbers” adding that “…a further 11 per cent say there should be no more immigration.” No prizes for guessing to which of these two groups members of the CPBML belong, but pointing out the level of ignorance and backwardness in the working class, the atrocious level of disunity, should not be cause for celebration or smugness. The fact that this level of ignorance exists does not make it either right or desirable, it only goes to show the staggering amount of work that real communists have to do to bring education, enlightenment and unity to the working class in this country. Communists must not be afraid to take a minority position that is correct merely because it is unpopular with the working class at present. The article goes on from those figures to state that “This popular pressure against unlimited and uncontrolled immigration may force the Government to impose limits on migrants from Romania and Bulgaria when the two countries join the EU on 1 January.”
The picture is being painted of the Government trying to follow EU diktat (the article states further on that “the British Parliament has no real control over issues such as immigration and so a first step to controlling it would have to be withdrawal from the European Union.”) and yet having to impose controls and limits due to “this popular pressure”. This notion is very far from the truth. The Government is actually responsible for much of the “popular” anti-immigration feeling that is expressed, as a working class divided along national and racial lines is no threat to imperialism, and the government can also claim that “popular pressure” led it into the limits and controls - controls that will not stop immigration but will illegalise much of it. It is illegal workers that are necessarily pliant, unorganised and cheap, it is illegal workers that help make the maximum profit. Lift the illegality off their shoulders and you have workers who will organise and strive for higher wages and conditions.
That the Government does foster much of the anti-immigrant feelings can be seen from the words of two Ministers quoted in the article: “Alistair Darling, the Trade and Industry Secretary, told the BBC that migration would be ‘properly controlled’. Home Secretary, John Reid, said, ‘I don’t believe in the free movement of labour: I believe the situation should be managed. You hear the same thing from the ethnic minorities. There’s nothing racist about it.” The point that the Workers article is trying to make is that these utterances by these two Ministers are only being made by them as a result of “popular pressure” against immigration. But many more such quotes can be found from the majority of the Government members and many of them much more candid in their opposition to immigration.
If the CPBML care to look they will find that there is nothing new in this (see the article in the March/April and May/June 2006 issues of LALKAR entitled ‘Capitalism and Immigration’). All bourgeois politicians have indulged in attacks on immigrants and immigration for years. It is necessary for them to have a scapegoat to blame for the ills of the political system that we live under and the immigrant, present throughout history, has always served as such a scapegoat. The article ploughs on, stating that “immigration is and has always been a mechanism for depressing wages and undermining working class organisation.” And further that “West Indian immigrants who came here in the fifties and sixties were invited to take the low-paid jobs that British workers could not afford to take.
This helped to maintain the low wages of those jobs, although to the credit of the unions these workers did become organised.” It has to be pointed out that wages and conditions for employees of British Rail, one of the main recruiters from the West Indies at that time, went from strength to strength as the workforce organised not solely “to the credit of the unions” but because these workers saw the need to organise to better their wages and conditions (which have taken a hammering since the disuniting effect of privatisation).
The idea that immigrants can only have a negative effect on wages, etc., is strange in a year when we remember the 30th anniversary of the Grunwick dispute where immigrants, many first generation, organised themselves and fought courageously for reinstatement and union recognition, being defeated only through the treachery of trade union leaders and the Labour Government of the day. Yet, even in defeat, these immigrants achieved higher wages and better conditions for those left inside the Grunwicks plants.
While on the subject of trades unions the following quote from the article is instructive of the way that the CPBML not only condones racism among workers but justifies and encourages it: “sometimes unions such as the Knitwear and Hosiery Workers Union, as it was then, would insist that highly skilled knitting jobs be ring-fenced for British workers in order to maintain wage rates while low-paid, less skilled jobs jobs would be reserved for immigrants who would be outside the union. This is history – workers’ defence of their skills and livelihood in a bad situation.”
This cannot be passed off lightly (as the CPBML try to) as “workers’ defence of their skills and livelihood in a bad situation”. For a start at that time ‘British’ was a euphemism for white; a white Canadian immigrant would have been allowed to join their union and would have been accepted in the skilled job. The workers at Imperial Typewriters at that time were at least more honest, if no less racist, when they went on strike demanding work for whites only.
Yes this is our history but it is nothing to be proud of and it is certainly nothing that should be repeated. The next ‘gem’ that is doled out by the Workers article serves further to defeat its own arguments. Showing their concern for foreigners and foreign countries it says “of course migrants aspire to a better life, but they should fight for it in their own country – or how will it ever make progress. Poland’s economy, for example, is being hamstrung by a shortage of workers. Even drafting in convicts to do essential work is not plugging the gap. And the situation in some African countries is even worse”. Re this ‘advice’ to immigrants to go back to their own country and fight for improvements there, it is a good job that the CPBML were not around when that immigrant Karl Marx arrived on these shores! If, as the article suggests, our industrial strength channelled through our trade unions is what makes Britain better for workers, and trade union strength is expressed in its unity and organisation, just how much unity and organisation is created by telling foreign workers to go home! The arguments made by the CPBML in this quote totally ignore the reality of imperialism and treat countries as equals when they clearly are not. The picture is presented of immigrants coming here to live because we British workers have made life in our country so wonderful through our organisation and principled struggle. What nonsense! An imperialist country does not only export capital, it sucks the very life from the weaker countries that it holds in bondage and pays a portion (albeit a very small portion) of that wealth created by the super-exploitation of vassal countries to its own workers to keep them mollified and create feelings of superiority and national chauvinism.
If we then look at the CPBML’s concern for the economies of “Poland” and “some African countries”, it needs only to point out that the basis of the article is that immigrants swell the labour force and consequently wages go down. Yet now we are told that a shortage of workers has “hamstrung” the Polish economy. Surely, if we subscribe to the CPBML’s simplistic view of economics, then a shortage of labour should push up wages creating a rush of immigrants to that country? But of course the Polish bourgeoisie are only a subject bourgeoisie whose position is dependent upon the rape of their country by imperialism (although they harbour dreams of becoming an imperialist power themselves). The real power lies with the imperialist countries that feed off of the Polish workers and take away the wealth of that country. Of course immigrants flock to the imperialist countries; they are following their own wealth. The working class of imperialist countries by ignoring the super-exploitation of foreign workers (and in some cases condoning it) side with their imperialists and turn on fellow workers who are foreign, seeing them as a threat, a rival for work, while treating their own bourgeoisie as kith and kin. We suggest a very thorough and repeated reading of Lenin’s ‘Imperialism’ to CPBML members if they really want to understand this question of immigration and the connection with imperialist exploitation of weaker countries and the source of Britain’s wealth. So as not to appear racist (heaven forbid anyone should think that of them), the CPBML include this paragraph in the article: “People who squeak that racism is the core of the opposition to an unfettered movement of labour need to look at some of the consequences. White teachers from Commonwealth countries get preference over mature Londoners (Black and White) who would otherwise be fast-tracked into teaching. Some of the inner London boroughs have unemployment levels (mainly black people) of over 8 per cent, yet jobs are going to EU migrants (mainly white). What can be more racist in our context than denying someone indigenous work by importing overseas labour?” At a time when there are shortages of teachers in this country due less to the level of wages then the actual very stressful conditions of work, it is a red herring to cite an increased use of trained teachers from certain commonwealth countries or anywhere else. Also, does anyone really believe that the percentage rate of unemployment (necessary to capitalist economics) would fall if all immigration ceased? And yet again we ask, as the plight of black British workers has been raised, at what point does the CPBML turn immigrant families into indigenous families?
This question has to be constantly asked as it is on the basis of indigenous worker versus immigrant worker that the CPBML, Labour Party, Conservative Party, Lib-Dems, UK Independence Party and the British National Party are trying to turn worker against worker. Just where does this twisted logic that they put forward stop? Should someone from Barnsley be allowed to apply for a job in Brighton if someone living in Brighton is prepared to do it? If people from the South of England start to migrate North for the cheaper housing, should we drive them back at Watford Gap telling them to go and fight for cheaper housing in the South? When British dockyards, with the full backing of their workforces, compete with each other for shipbuilding contracts and try to win work to their area away from other workers in Britain does this not usually involve bringing down wages and conditions? The anti-immigrant argument, apart from freeing the bourgeoisie of all responsibility for the things that they actually have control over, is not just silly but very dangerous. There are many nationalities within Britain many of whom suffer discrimination whether they be first generation immigrants or born here. The type of arguments and nationalistic sentiments expressed by the CPBML encourage further attacks on all of these workers and must be challenged.
Continuing, the CPBML give us a “few ideas to throw into the debate about what should be done.” These “ideas” include “restrict the free movement of labour to Britain from Romania and Bulgaria,…insist that all immigrant workers require permits, which would only be issued if the employers agreed to take on and train local workers to replace immigrant labour when they qualified or became indentured…the immigrant labour would the be required to leave the country when this process was complete,…secure our borders. The concept of an amnesty for illegal immigrants is foolish if we don’t have control of our borders, as it would be followed by another wave of immigration.” Much more is included on ‘work permits’ and under what conditions “immigrants would be required to leave the country” and, it has to be said, that a brief run through the BNP website could find nothing worse than this Workers article - either in terms of policy or emotive language (for what else does “another wave of immigration” mean if not to strongly suggest being flooded, overcome etc?).
On the security of borders, the article, a bit further on, states that “to secure our borders we should bring British troops home from Iraq and Afghanistan to help create a border, security and customs force along with existing agencies and maybe a strong unit to enforce anti-slavery and immigration laws.” Bringing British troops home from Iraq and Afghanistan certainly won’t be challenged in this paper but what about the British troops in Ireland and elsewhere around the globe doing imperialism’s dirty work? And what of these repatriated troops? Do we really want this huge collection of armed racist thugs, for that is in reality what the British army is, given the job of roaming our borders and streets to deal with immigrant workers in the fashion that they have become accustomed to dealing with foreign workers in Ireland, Iraq, and Afghanistan? It must be confessed that the article also calls for withdrawal from the EU (mainly on the grounds that the organisation involves foreigners telling us what to do rather than trying to undermine an imperialist bloc) and does put forward the notion of controlling “the export of capital” although this cannot be done without challenging the very ‘right’ of imperialism to exist, i.e., through socialist revolution (a fact the article itself alludes to) - something which cannot be achieved by turning workers against each other on the grounds of place of birth etc.
The article also brings up the subject of slavery, referred to in the previous quote, in the following paragraph: “If a ship repair yard employer on Tyneside brings in a Polish workforce on the National Minimum Wage rather than the rate for the job, houses them in cabins inside the yard, and rotates them every ten weeks for a new workforce to prevent unionisation, that’s slavery. People smugglers, gangsters and gang masters, and the new breed of employment agencies are the new slave traders, and illegal immigrants working in sweatshop conditions are the new slaves.” The first point to be made is that if these Polish workers have to be housed “in cabins within the yard” isolated and rotated “every ten weeks” in order to “prevent unionisation”, that rather blows a hole in the CPBML argument that immigrants bring down wages and conditions through lack of organisation doesn’t it? Surely the article is telling us that these workers, given the chance, will organise and fight for higher wages and better conditions?
If this is the case, isn’t it the job of communists, socialists, trade unionists etc., to find ways of giving them that chance rather than just telling them to go home and make things better there? The second point is that the “people smugglers, gangsters and gang masters” etc., rightly condemned as dealing in slavery, only have power over their slaves while they are made ‘illegal’. As soon as the illegal status is lifted from these workers, having no fear of deportation, they will organise industrially and fit in with the ‘indigenous’ workers. Our common enemy is imperialism. Imperialism needs ‘illegal’ immigration as this really does provide slave labour helping to secure ‘maximum profit’ and we must stand with our fellow workers against British imperialism and fight against making foreign workers (our real kith and kin) illegal! We have a job to do to educate all workers to realise the need to destroy imperialism and build socialism. We have to recognise the role that struggles like the ones waged by the Iraqi and Afghan resistance play in helping to undermine our imperialists and making them a bit weaker, along with others who stand up to our imperialists throughout the world in Ireland and Zimbabwe, to name two, and the magnificent stance of the people of the DPRK who stand in opposition to all imperialists at the sharpest point. When we make things hotter here we will also be helping those struggles, but the struggle against imperialism in this country will remain dormant and a sham while ever we play the bosses’ game and turn workers against each other.
The CPBML should either join us in the work of trying to unite all workers against imperialism or at least have the honesty to rename themselves the British National Workers’ Party which would be a true reflection of their despicable position.
Since the Workers’ article was published the government have announced restrictions on Romanian and Bulgarian workers holding down ‘legal’ jobs here, which drives those workers straight into the hands of those organising illegal work (slavery). In a new twist, the Home Secretary, John Reid, has announced that ‘illegal’ workers can be fined up to a thousand pounds if caught, which punishes the slave for being a slave while at the same time making the grip of the ‘slave-owner’ upon the ‘slave’ even tighter. Government sources say that they have bowed to the pressure of the media. The CPBML will say that the Government have bowed to “popular pressure”. In reality the Government have been ‘led’ to exactly where they wanted to be. When two million people marched against the invasion of Iraq, there was no bowing to “popular pressure”, or any pressure from sections of the media that echoed (for their own reasons) that opposition. A campaign must be built around the slogans that ‘no worker should be declared illegal for wanting to work’ and ‘imperialism is the main enemy of all workers’. It is the system of capitalist production that produces unemployment, homelessness, destitution and crumbling social facilities, not to say incessant wars - not workers, be they ‘indigenous’ or foreign.


FOOTNOTE


[1.] Not to be confused with the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist), CPGB-ML, who are supportive of this paper and its views and in return whose policies are supported by this paper.



MP Frank Field has called for a debate on immigration. Jack Dromey, Deputy General Secretary of the T&GWU, has called for an amnesty for illegal immigrants. Here's a contribution to that debate from a working class and trade union perspective...


Let's have a working class debate on immigration


WORKERS,

OCT 2006 ISSUE


The government forecast that there would be 15,000 immigrants from Eastern Europe in the year after their entry to the European Union on 1 January 2004. The actual number was 300,000, followed by another 300,000 in 2005. Due to the increased supply of labour, wages in several unskilled and low-skilled job sectors have fallen, hitting the indigenous working class. The extra demand for housing has forced prices and rents ever higher, and in many cities students now find it almost impossible to get part-time jobs to help them through college.
Consequently, three-quarters of the population now wants far stricter limits on immigrant numbers, according to an Ipsos MORI poll carried out on behalf of the Sunday Times between 11 and 13 August: 63 per cent say immigration laws should be "much tougher", up from 58 per cent 18 months ago, while a further 11 per cent say there should be no more immigration. 77 per cent think the government should set a strict limit on the number of immigrants allowed into Britain each year. Just 14 per cent of people strongly agree that immigration is "generally good" for Britain, with double that number taking the opposite view. Incidentally, the same poll also revealed widespread impatience with Tony Blair, with almost half of the nearly 1,000 people questioned believing that he should resign immediately. This popular pressure against unlimited and uncontrolled immigration may force the government to impose limits on migrants from Romania and Bulgaria when the two countries join the EU in 1 January. The government predicts that 350,000 Romanians will come to Britain next year. Alistair Darling, the Trade and Industry Secretary, told the BBC that migration would be "properly controlled". Home Secretary John Reid said, "I don't believe in the free movement of labour: I believe the situation should be managed. You hear the same from ethnic minorities. There's nothing racist about it." But the Home Office insists that no final decision has been made and the Foreign Office is lobbying hard for no limits to be introduced. Whose decision is it? The point is, who decides? In a democracy, the majority should decide, even if some think they are wrong. What does it say about Britain, if the government imposes its view, against the clearly expressed wishes of the majority of the British people? Immigration is and always has been a mechanism for depressing wages and undermining working class organisation. That is why the government and the CBI have declared that immigration is a good thing. To its shame, the TUC has endorsed their sentiments despite unemployment approaching 2 million and the decline in average earnings, including bonuses (National Office of Statistics June 2006). And removing skilled labour from other economies does nothing for the development of those nations denuded of those skills; nor does it assist in the development of an organised working class in those countries. In the past 12 months both the South African Health Minister and the Pakistani ambassador to Britain have put in pleas to Britain to stop seizing their nurses and computer programmers respectively. Their polite requests have been ignored. The West Indian immigrants who came here in the fifties and sixties were invited to take the low-paid jobs that British workers could not afford to take. This helped to maintain the low wages of those jobs, although to the credit of the unions, these workers did become organised. The immigrants from the Indian subcontinent who came to fill jobs in the textile industry were by and large confined to the lower-paid jobs. Sometimes unions such as the Knitwear and Hosiery Workers Union, as it was then, would insist that highly skilled knitting jobs be ring-fenced for British workers in order to maintain wage rates while lower-paid, less skilled jobs would be reserved for immigrants who would be outside the union. This is history – workers' defence of their skills and livelihood in a bad situation. There has always been a relationship between immigration and wage rates. Today, that relationship is no different but much more critical. Our borders are open, immigration is on a gigantic scale and we face an influx of cheap Romanian and Bulgarian labour from January 2007. Better life? Of course migrants aspire to a better life, but they should fight for it in their own country – or how will it ever make progress. Poland's economy, for example, is being hamstrung by a shortage of workers. Even drafting in convicts to do essential work is not plugging the gap. And the situation in some African countries is even more dire. Young men who abandon their country make things worse, not better. And we in Britain need to fight for progress here. Further, British working people should not be cast as racists or against people from other nations. The question of training our own people is fundamental. Employers moan at the lack of skills – quite understandably – but seek the cheap way forward. The same is occurring in the public sector. For example, local government will sponsor overseas workers to gain British recognised qualifications – running courses in London for Australian, New Zealand and South African teachers to boost their qualifications to British standards while completely failing to produce courses that could raise Londoners with qualifications just short of the required level. People who squeak that racism is the core of the opposition to an unfettered movement of labour need to look at some of the consequences. White teachers from Commonwealth countries get preference over mature Londoners (black and white) who would otherwise be fast-tracked into teaching. Some of the inner London boroughs have unemployment levels (mainly black people) of over 8 per cent, yet jobs are going to EU migrants (mainly white). What can be more racist in our context than denying someone indigenous work by importing overseas labour? Here are a few ideas to throw into the debate about what should be done:
Restrict the free movement of labour to Britain from Romania and Bulgaria if these countries join the EU on 1 January. Better still, don't let them join.
Control the export of capital. Because of the deliberately engineered skills shortage – abolition of apprenticeship, etc – manufacturing employers are threatening to move production abroad to Eastern Europe or China if their workforce refuses to accept Polish, Lithuanian or other East European skilled workers whom they want to employ on the National Minimum Wage instead of the skilled rate. How might we deal with this? Well, one way would be to put in place controls on the export of capital to prevent them carrying out their threat. We could then insist that all immigrant workers require work permits, which would only be issued if the employers agreed to take on and train local workers to replace immigrant labour when they qualified or became indentured, and on condition that the employer paid the rate for the job. Government funds could assist this training. The immigrant labour would then be required to leave the country when this process was complete.
Prove no one can be recruited here. In the case of unskilled immigrant labour, perhaps the work permits would only be issued after the employer could prove that it had exhausted all means of local recruitment including substantially increasing pay. The employer would be required to pay the immigrant labour the highest rate of pay on which it had failed to recruit local labour. The immigrant labour contracts would be limited to a defined duration when the employer would be forced to try and recruit local labour again. If the employer is contracted to a public service, the contract would be terminated if the employer failed to recruit local non-immigrant labour on the second attempt. Immigrant labour would be required to leave the country at the end of any work permit unless it was proven that it was impossible to recruit local labour on established rates of pay, in which case they could stay as British citizens and British workers.
Secure our borders. The concept of an amnesty for illegal immigrants is foolish if we don't have control over our own borders, as it would simply be followed by another wave of immigration. The first step must be to secure and control our borders. Every sovereign country has the right to know and control who comes in and who goes out of the country. Then maybe we should tackle the problem for what it is – 21st century slavery. If a ship repair yard employer on Tyneside brings in a Polish workforce on the National Minimum Wage rather than the rate for the job, houses them in cabins inside the yard, and rotates them every ten weeks for a new workforce to prevent unionisation, that's slavery. People smugglers, gangsters and gang masters, and the new breed of employment agencies are the new slave traders, and illegal immigrants working in sweatshop conditions are the new slaves. Let's outlaw new slavery in all its forms with punitive sentences appropriate to slavery. Any employer paying below the National Minimum Wage should be treated similarly. After this, we could put the illegal immigrants to the same test as skilled or unskilled immigrants referred to above. Those who choose not to work, or are involved in the black market or crime to survive, will have to leave the country. Basic ideas to protect Britain These are very basic ideas designed to protect British manufacturing, British workers and wage rates. To secure our borders we should bring British troops home from Iraq and Afghanistan to help create a border, security and customs force along with existing agencies and maybe a strong unit to enforce anti-slavery and immigration laws. That surely should be within the power of a sovereign state. Unfortunately, all of this would be incompatible with EU laws and policy. In fact, the expanded EU was solely about free movement of labour and capital to help capitalism survive. This means that the British parliament has no real control over issues such as immigration and so the first step to controlling it would have to be withdrawal from the European Union. The notion, shared by those on the ultra left through to the leadership of the TUC, that everyone in the world has a right to come here to work must be quashed: it is anti working class. If we decide to do these necessary things, we decide to take charge of the state ourselves as a class.

Friday, October 13, 2006

More cover versions


Number 28











and number 27:


Number 26:

Finally for now, number 25:

Workers Action has it covered

The following are our recent front covers:










Tuesday, October 10, 2006

Marxmail


For those you not aware, a site worth checking out is the Marxmail discussion forum.
The site is
www.marxmail.org

Mikey

Interview in Socialist Action with Jeff Mackler




Socialist Action's Twelfth National Convention, July 14-16, voted to launch a campaign for the U.S. Senate seat in California. The delegates voted to run Socialist Action National Secretary Jeff Mackler against Democrat Dianne Feinstein, Republican Richard Mountjoy, and Green Party candidate Todd Chretien.

Mackler, 66, is a veteran fighter against U.S. imperialist war and intervention. He has been an activist from the time of the U.S.-backed invasion of revolutionary Cuba, in 1961, when he headed a chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.

During the Vietnam War, he served on the National Committee of the National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC). In conjunction with the heroic struggle of the Vietnamese people and the mass opposition to the war inside the U.S. military, NPAC was a major component of the broad antiwar movement that forced the U.S. out of Vietnam, a historic setback to American imperial war aims.
In the 1980s, Mackler was a founder and central organizer of the Northern California-based Mobilization for Peace, Jobs and Justice, a united-front coalition that consistently mobilized tens of thousands against U.S. intervention in Central America during the period of the Nicaraguan, Salvadoran, and Grenadian revolutions. Mackler visited Grenada and Nicaragua during that time to meet with leaders of these revolutionary struggles, including Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega.
In 1991, during the first Gulf War, when the U.S. slaughtered a quarter of a million Iraqis in a matter of weeks, Mackler worked to initiate two national antiwar conferences and chaired the Jan. 26 San Francisco antiwar protest of over 200,000. Similarly, in 2003, with the bombing and invasion of Iraq, Mackler worked to help initiate and co-chaired the San Francisco protest rally of close to 300,000.

"War and intervention, overt and covert, are fundamental to U.S. policy," said Mackler in a July interview with us. "Yesterday it was Vietnam, Cuba, Congo, Central America, Chile, Somalia, Iran, and Iraq. Today, the U.S. war machine focuses on Iraq again and the Middle East in general—aiding, abetting, and financing the Zionist slaughter in Palestine and Lebanon and making threats against Iran—while occupying Afghanistan and threatening intervention in Cuba, Venezuela, and Bolivia."

"War is an inherent part of capitalism," Mackler explained, "and the ultimate solution to the internal contradictions of the profit-driven and competition-driven system. The U.S. military-industrial complex is organized and designed to maximize profit rates for the corporate few and to serve the imperial economic and political interests of the war-making class—regardless of the capitalist party in power.

“Socialists acknowledge our fundamental obligation to challenge the U.S. war-makers and their twin parties and to defend the rights and struggles of all those who resist imperialist domination and oppression.”

The worldwide crisis of capitalism

"All of the evils of capitalism that the vast majority have come to abhor," Mackler continued, "from racism, sexism, homophobia, poverty, unemployment, environmental destruction, and deterioration of social services and public education to abrogation of basic civil liberties and the dismemberment of the historic gains of working people on the job are necessary for capitalism's existence.”

Today the capitalist system is in a crisis, with each of the major industrialized nations and their competing regional trading blocs geared up as never before to win the mad race for declining markets and resources at the expense of the world's working masses. At a time when the technology and resources exist to build an environmentally sound world of plenty for everyone, the system is becoming unglued. Union pensions and health-care plans, as well as jobs that were taken for granted for decades, are eliminated by means of fake bankruptcy filings by the corporations.
Whole continents stand in ruin, with a third of the world living on less than $2 per day. Tens of thousands die of starvation daily in nations whose resources are looted by the U.S. and other neo-colonial exploiter nations.

Dianne Feinstein’s sordid record
Mackler's central opponent in the U.S. Senate race is Dianne Feinstein. "Feinstein, said Mackler, "is the classic California liberal Democrat. Her rap sheet is designed to demonstrate her ‘progressive’ record. She gets good marks from the AFL-CIO, the National Abortion Rights Action League, Peace Action (formerly Sane/ Freeze) and from other liberal groups whose political orientation is to Democratic Party lesser-evilism.

"And yet Feinstein has supported every U.S. war conducted by every administration since she entered the Senate in 1992" Mackler pointed out. "Today, she leads the bipartisan congressional chorus cheering on Israel’s bombing and occupation of Lebanon and its renewed occupation, subjugation, and starvation of the Palestinian people in Gaza.

"My opponent supported the fake ‘drug war’ in Colombia, in reality a move to refurbish and instruct the Colombian government's army and death squads as they seek to crush the national liberation struggle in that country. Feinstein supported the allocation of billions for the so-called National Missile Defense System and nearly every other boondoggle to transfer working people's money to the military.”

“Feinstein, at $50 million in net worth,” Mackler asserted, “is the fifth richest person in Congress, yet she voted to eliminate the Estate Tax, a measure that was designed to make the rich even richer.

“Feinstein voted for one of the most draconian pieces of anti-civil-liberties legislation ever, the 1996 Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act, which President Clinton signed into law. This law, which will send hundreds, if not thousands more, to the nation's execution chambers, essentially scrapped critical due process rights guaranteed in the U.S. Constitution.”

”Hardly a superstar on civil liberties," Mackler continued, “Feinstein sought to scrap the First Amendment's free-speech provisions by supporting a constitutional amendment to ban flag burning. In the name of ‘fighting terrorism,’ she joined the congressional stampede to enact and renew the reactionary Patriot Act, and more recently backed legislation to increase government spy agencies’ ‘rights’ to tap cell phones.”

“My opponent is an ardent defender of the predatory capitalist system and its two-party shell game," said Mackler. “Her voting record and public statements, liberal or conservative, right or 'left,' are subordinate to this determining reality.”

“Reforming capitalism,” Mackler pointed out, “that is, efforts to transform it to a 'kindler and gentler' system of exploitation and minority rule by electing the least offensive of the millionaire and billionaire candidates the ruling rich periodically offer us during the election season, is both a utopian fantasy and a fundamental impediment to principled working-class politics.”

”Socialists fight for all progressive reforms, to be sure,” said Mackler. “We actively participate in and support all who fight for a better world on every front. Whenever working people independently organize to advance their own interests—in mass mobilizations in the streets, in trade-union struggles, on picket lines, and at public meetings and rallies—we are part of the struggle. But we have no illusions in the nature of the beast.

In the capitalist electoral arena there are no real choices. While socialists participate in elections to advance their political critique of the capitalist system and to build the mass movements that inevitably arise to challenge many of the evils generated by the system, we reject any support—directly or indirectly—to the candidates and parties of the rich. We don't play the ‘lesser evil’ game.”

Todd Chretien’s “Perfect Storm”

"Green Party politics," Mackler noted, "including it's current California expression in Todd Chretien’s U.S. Senate campaign against Democrat Feinstein, is simply the latest version of lesser-evil politics."

Mackler then quoted from a Nov. 19, 2005, article by Chretien, who is also a public spokesperson for the International Socialist organization (ISO).

Chretien had written: “The Senate race, with its diminished spoiler issue because of the huge lead pro-war Dianne Feinstein will have over her pro-war Republican opponent, likely to be more than 20%, opens the door for a larger vote for a pro-peace candidate than ever before."
Todd Chretien’s “Perfect Storm” article, said Mackler, “was centered on the proposition that superhawk Feinstein has a supposedly insurmountable lead of 20-plus percentage points over the virtually unknown and semi-retired Republican Party candidate Richard Mountjoy, a faithful ‘slot filler’ in a race that has been virtually conceded.

“Chretien’s conclusion? It's safe for even 10 percent or a ‘million people’ to vote for him and the Greens in 2006 without significantly harming Feinstein’s re-election chances.”

According to Mackler, Chretien then offered some “practical” advice to his Green supporters by stating: "Of course, if a close race develops for governor [in which Green Party candidate Peter Camejo opposes Arnold Schwrzenegger], many progressives may choose to split their ballot by voting against Arnold and for the Democrat, but voting for the Green Party against Feinstein."

Green Party politics are based on middle-class reformism, the notion that the capitalist parties, especially the Democrats, can generally pressured to do the right thing. In the 2004 elections Green Party presidential candidate David Cobb essentially told his supporters to "Vote Democrat"—that is, John Kerry—in all states where the polls indicated that the race was close.

In most states the Green Party practices a version of “inside/outside” or lesser-evil politics, wherein their candidates run in “safe districts” but step down in races where conservative Republicans face so-called liberal Democrats. “It is a sad day,” said Mackler, when socialists, like Chretien and the ISO, fall into the same ‘lesser-evil’ trap.”

A campaign for social justice

Jeff Mackler's U.S. Senate campaign is aimed at providing a serious political alternative to the twin U.S. parties of war, racism, poverty, and environmental catastrophe. "The Democrats and Republicans, no matter who their candidates or what their campaign promises," said Mackler, "are nothing less than the direct representatives of capital, of the ruling rich, who require death and destruction to protect their interests."

Socialist Action's campaign is aimed at today's new fighters against injustice, at the youth who have learned from experience that their prospects are bleak in the capitalist framework. It is aimed at working people who want to revitalize and democratize the trade-union movement and expand union power to the 90 percent who are without unions. It is aimed at fostering the construction of a class-struggle left wing in the unions, a militant fightback current that will seek to organize the majority to fight in the political and economic arenas to challenge the boss's parties on every front.

The Socialist Action campaign is directed to the immigrant workers of every nationality and their families, who courageously demonstrated on May Day that real power lies in the streets, in independent organization, and in solidarity—the prerequisite to reversing the boss's drive for cheap and defenseless immigrant labor and the deepened exploitation of the working class in general.

Our socialist campaign is aimed at the Black and Latino masses, who are always the first victims of any downturn, "the last hired and the first fired," at the dispossessed and shunned Katrina victims, and the victims of school re-segregation and calculated decay in public education and the gutting of bilingual education.

It is a campaign for women who fight for the right to abortion and equality, and for gays and lesbians who seek to exercise the democratic right to marriage—in short, for all people who desire a new world where human needs come first and capitalist exploitation and oppression are relegated to the insane oddities of history.

“We will challenge all who seek social and economic justice to unite in mass actions and democratic coalitions against all U.S. wars and against every attack on working people,” said Mackler. ”Only working people, including their allies among the oppressed everywhere, have the power to reverse the present descent to barbarism and to build a new world.”

In 1999 Jeff Mackler was co-coordinator of the first major national conference on the Cuban Revolution. Sponsored by the University of California at Berkeley and attended by 2000 people, including 30 Cubans who were specialists in as many fields, the Dialogue with Cuba Conference provided a format for the Cuban people to demonstrate the superiority of a state system based on workers and farmers that had abolished the profit system and private property in the means of production.

“The groundbreaking gains of the Cuban Revolution in health care, education, and human solidarity,” said Mackler, “are a model for the entire world.”

Mackler plans to devote a significant portion of his campaign to defending Cuba against the constant threats by the U.S. to invade. “Our campaign condemns the illegal and barbaric U.S. embargo of Cuba. We stand in solidarity with the Cuban Five, the heroic Cuban patriots illegally jailed by the U.S., who demonstrated for all to see that the real source of terrorism in the world today is the government of the United States.”

The Socialist Action 2006 Campaign will champion the fight for freedom of Mumia Abu-Jamal, perhaps the world's most well-known victim of the racist frame-up operation that passes for the U.S. criminal “justice” system. Mackler will also campaign for Lynne Stewart, the New York progressive attorney who was convicted on "conspiracy" charges in a frame-up trial that ran roughshod over Stewart's basic constitution and democratic rights.

Mackler has been co-coordinator of the Northern California-based Mobilization to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal for the past 10 years. He also serves as the West Coast coordinator of the Lynne Stewart Defense Committee.

The Socialist Action campaign will fight for the political independence of all progressive social movements. It will challenge the myth that the Democrats, the graveyard of all social movements, are a lesser evil to the Republicans. To the reformist credo, "Anybody But Bush," we answer, "No to the twin parties of war and oppression!" and "Yes to the independent organization and mobilization of working people!"

Join the 2006 Socialist Action California Campaign! Call: (415) 255-1080, or e-mail: macklerforsenate@yahoo.com.

Jeff Mackler runs for the Senate


Jeff Mackler, running for the Senate in California as a supporter of Socialist Action

Monday, October 09, 2006

Political balance


Given that I put up the mad posting by the Sparts I have--in the interest of balance--put this up from the official website of Comrade Mackler, leader of Socialist Action and their candidate for the Senate. I shall keep all you folks in the Uk in touch with this important campaign.

Mikey




News From the Jeff Mackler for U.S. Senate Campaign
by Mark Ostapiak / September issue of Socialist Action Newspaper

With the U.S. war machine and its heavily armed client regime in Israel center stage in the political arena, Jeff Mackler, Socialist Action write-in candidate for the U.S. Senate seat in California, addressed a crowd of 5000 at the Aug. 12 antiwar rally in San Francisco’s Civic Center.

Mackler’s political platform resonated with the crowd (a significant number of whom were Arab and Muslim), especially his opposition to the Israeli collective punishment on Lebanon and the Gaza Strip.

Mackler’s presentation was a vivid contrast to the posturing of his main political opponent, multimillionaire Democrat Dianne Feinstein, who led a small rally in San Francisco on July 23 expressing solidarity with Israel in its offensive against Lebanon and its occupation of Gaza.

Speaking at the pro-Israel rally, Feinstein said, "Let there be no doubt Israel was subjected to unprovoked, unjustified attacks from terrorists on both the northern and southern borders,” referring to Hezbollah and Hamas, respectively.

“Who started the present wars in the Middle East?” asked Mackler at the Aug. 12 rally. “We are told that it was a handful of Palestinians who captured one or two Israeli soldiers or the Lebanese so-called terrorists who fired some primitive rockets into Israel.

“But we are not told that Israel holds 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners in its jails and torture chambers. We are not told that so-called democratic Israel refuses to recognize the Hamas election victory, affirmed by virtually every nation on earth.

“We are not told that racist Israel daily seeks to starve to death an entire people in the Gaza strip, that it cuts off its sole supply of water, and that the West Bank is walled off like the Jews of the Warsaw ghetto who were then slaughtered by Hitler’s butchers.

“Indeed, we are not told that Israel is a Zionist, racist, colonial settler state created by force and violence out of the original Palestine that had been home to its peoples for 2000 years.
Perhaps if the American people were told just a few of these facts they could understand why virtually all the peoples of the Middle East stood in solidarity with the actions of the Hezbollah fighters who chose to not step aside while their Palestinian brothers and sisters were subjected to the full wrath of the Israeli terror operation.

“The only secure future of the Jewish people will be in the creation of a democratic and secular Palestine, where Arabs and Jews can live together as equals. And this new society can only be based on the unconditional right of return of all Palestinians who were dispossessed of their land, homes, farms, and nation.

“At the same time, socialists fight to win the masses of the region to the struggle for socialist revolution, indeed, to the goal of a socialist federation of the entire Middle East.”
Campaign activists hit the streets

Many in the crowd during Mackler’s Aug. 12 speech were eager to snap up the Socialist Action campaign literature. Throughout the day, campaigners spoke with hundreds of people about the Mackler campaign and signed up 17 volunteers—while registering voters to the Socialist Action Party.

The following weekend, campaign workers went into the working-class and heavily Latino Mission District of San Francisco, where Mackler addressed people, soap-box style, in the streets.

On Aug. 17, Mackler spoke to a public meeting of over 50 people sponsored by the Social Justice Committee of the Fellowship of Unitarians and Universalists Church in Berkeley about the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, the innocent Black journalist sitting on Pennsylvania's death row.

"Mumia's case is the final stages of the legal battle," said Mackler. "Pennsylvania officials have sought resolutions demanding Mumia's death from both the Philadelphia City Council and the state legislature.

“Two Philadelphia-based legislators have introduced similar resolutions before the U.S. Congress. The idea is to create an atmosphere in which Mumia's execution would be seen as a plausible result of the litigation process. Our job is to do the opposite—to build a massive movement that will make the price of Mumia's execution or continued incarceration too high for the system to pay.”

For the past 10 years Mackler has been on the leading edge of the struggle to free Mumia. A number at the Berkeley meeting volunteered to help with Mackler's run against Feinstein.
On Sept. 4, Labor Day, campaign activists attended a San Francisco march for immigrants’ rights and signed up a dozen new volunteers to help get out the vote for Mackler.

On Sept. 9, Jeff Mackler was one of the featured speakers at the annual Power to the Peaceful festival, organized by musician and activist Mich-ael Franti in San Francisco’s Golden Gate Park. The socialist candidate received a highly favorable response from the crowd of 40,000.

Global warming emergency

Speaking on Aug. 24 at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, Dianne Feinstein unveiled her plan to cut greenhouse gas emissions, which would require power plants and major emitters of greenhouse gases to either cap emissions or obtain credit from other companies that have lowered their emissions below target levels. The program would also require that—10 years from now—cars be engineered to get at least 35 miles per gallon and that utilities meet a portion of energy demand with clean energy sources like wind and solar.

Commenting on the speech, Mackler stated: “Dianne Feinstein's band-aid proposals fail to fully address the looming catastrophe associated with global warming, and can only be explained by her party's subordination of human life itself to corporate profits.
“Contrary to Feinstein, we don't advocate a 10-year tweaking plan to slightly increase the fuel efficiency of gas guzzlers and a trading of energy credits from so-called good-guy corporations to bad-guy polluters.

“We need a fundamental transformation of the entire automobile industry—which would retain its current workers and hire back all those who have already been laid off. That could be done by spreading out the available jobs through a cut in the workweek—that is, 30 hours of work for 40 hours pay—at top-notch union wages.

“Feinstein said nothing at all about mass transportation. But we say, retool the factories to build a world-class system of energy-efficient, free, and accessible public transportation. That would both make a real dent in the number of polluting vehicles on the road and be a gain, not a loss, for the autoworkers.

“Feinstein's corporate polluter friends—and those in the military-industrial complex—don't need deals to buy the right to kill; they need to be punished for their crimes and taxed to the tune of 100 percent of their profits until they act on the proposition that human life comes first.

“If the trillions spent on war were spent on the rapid development of safe and renewable energy sources today, the horrific predictions of scientists could be replaced with a bright and optimistic view, where generations to come will flourish in harmony with nature's bounty. I fight for a socialist future where human needs are first and foremost.”

Speaking with military veterans

On Aug. 23, Mackler joined Carl Webb, an Iraq War resister and victim of the economic draft, on KPFA's “Flashpoints” radio program with Dennis Bernstein. Webb explained how this war is not in the interests of the soldiers who fight and die, 99 percent of whom are working-class and poor youth.

Mackler lent his support to the antiwar sentiment and resistance of soldiers like Carl and added that his campaign is for "Bring the Troops Home Now!"

In addition to the radio interview, the campaign committee organized a public forum on Aug. 26 with Mackler, featuring both Webb and Paul Cox. Cox is a Bay Area antiwar activist who served in the Vietnam War, during which he worked underground helping to publish Rage, an antiwar magazine for GIs.

In the final weeks before the election, Socialist Action campaign supporters plan a full schedule of activities. A highlight will be a debate between three California candidates for U.S. Senate: Jeff Mackler, Todd Chretien of the Green Party, and Marsha Feinland of the Peace and Freedom Party. The debate—scheduled for Tuesday, Oct. 10—will take place at the Socialist Action Bookstore in San Francisco; call (415) 255-1080 for information.
In late September, Mackler will embark on an East Coast speaking tour. He will be in Philadelphia, Sept. 22-23; New York, Sept. 25-26 and Sept. 29; Hartford, Conn., Sept. 27-28; and St. Petersburg, Tampa, and Dade City, Fla., Sept. 30-Oct. 1.

For information on Mackler’s speaking events, see the campaign website at www.socialistaction.org/macklerforsenate.htm Or send an e-mail to: macklerforsenate@yahoo.com

Noted civil liberties fighters endorse the Mackler for Senate campaign

Among the endorsers* of Jeff Mackler's campaign for the U.S. Senate are some of the country’s leading social and political activists.

• In early September, campaign director Mark Ostapiak announced that Michael Ratner, the president of the Center for Constitutional Rights, had given his endorsement.
Ratner's civil liberties defense organization won an historic victory against the U.S. government in the case of Rasul v. Bush, wherein the U.S. Supreme Court rejected U.S. government arguments and ruled that Guantanamo detainees were entitled to the due process rights guaranteed in the U.S. Constitution.

• Civil rights and human rights attorney Leonard Weinglass has also endorsed.
Weinglass is the attorney for the imprisoned Cuban heroes known as the Cuban Five. The Five were victims of an infamous U.S. frame-up trial in Miami. The case of the Cuban Five exposed the U.S. role in aiding and abetting terrorist actions against Cuba. Weinglass is currently heading up the appeal.

• Lynne Stewart, the prominent human rights attorney who faces a 30-year prison sentence stemming from her frame-up trial and conviction on charges of aiding and abetting terrorism, has also endorsed Mackler's campaign effort.

• Michael Steven Smith, an author, editor, and attorney, has also endorsed Mackler's campaign.

Smith is the co-host of the New York-based WBAI Pacifica radio program "Law and Disorder," a member of the board of directors of the Brecht Forum, and the author/ editor of "Che Guevara and the FBI."

• Robert Meeropol has also added his name to Mackler's Senate campaign effort.
Meeropol is the son of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, victims of the McCarthy-era witch-hunt period who were executed on trumped-up charges of conspiring to give the Soviet Union the "secret" of the atomic bomb. Meeropol is executive director of the Rosenberg Fund for Children, an organization dedicated to aiding children whose parents are victims of unjust government persecution because of their support to the cause of social justice and human freedom.

• Also joining the list of endorsers is Heidi Boghosian, executive director of the National Lawyers Guild.

*Organizations listed for identification only.

Spartacist League support!!


Here is the type of sectarian gibberish they came out with, the Sparts, not SA of course:

Workers Vanguard No. 876
15 September 2006
Mackler Campaign—A Crude Class Line Against Greens, Dems
Critical Support to Socialist Action in Senate Election
California
In the run-up to the 2006 midterm elections, the working masses are again being subjected to the “choice” between the dual parties of capitalist exploitation, imperialist war and racist oppression. It is a choice between the justly feared and despised Bush-Cheney-Rumsfeld cabal in power and a Democratic “opposition” campaigning for a more effective plan for prosecuting the very bipartisan “war on terror” at home and abroad—in particular, how best to cut the losses of U.S. imperialism in the bloody occupation of Iraq in order to more efficiently deploy its forces against the peoples of the world.
We of the Spartacist League, as revolutionary Marxists, oppose on principle support to any capitalist party and stand for the complete political independence of the working class. While rejecting the notion that the working class can gain power through the vehicle of bourgeois electoralism, we recognize that there are times when the intervention of revolutionaries into the parliamentary/electoral arena can provide a useful platform from which to put forward our program and goals. Such tactics include the revolutionary party standing its own candidates and/or offering critical support to such parties as draw even a crude class line against the capitalist parties.
In his powerful book on communist principles and tactics, “Left-Wing” Communism—An Infantile Disorder (1920), Bolshevik leader V.I. Lenin explained: “It is entirely a matter of knowing how to apply these tactics in order to raise—not lower—the general level of proletarian class-consciousness, revolutionary spirit, and ability to fight and win.” Lenin advised the fledgling British Communists to extend critical support to the British Labour Party in order to expose the Labour traitors’ pretensions to “socialism” and to break workers’ illusions in them.
Socialist Action (SA) is standing Jeff Mackler as a candidate for the U.S. Senate in California, not only against the Democrats but also the bourgeois Green Party and its “socialist” candidate—Todd Chretien of the International Socialist Organization (ISO). Unlike the reformist Socialist Workers Party (SWP), which is also standing in the election but is not counterposing itself to the Green Party campaign that is popular in petty-bourgeois circles, Mackler’s campaign thus draws a crude class line. On that basis, we are extending critical support to Mackler in the California Senate race. We will actively campaign for a vote to the SA candidate while at the same time exposing SA’s reformist program.
“Antiwar” Work: Socialist Action vs. Marxism
Socialist Action has adopted a somewhat left-sounding posture in its campaign material, wherein it writes: “To the reformist credo, ‘Anybody But Bush,’ we answer, ‘No to the twin parties of war and oppression!’ and ‘Yes to the independent organization and mobilization of working people!’” (undated SA campaign supplement). An excellent sentiment; one which, however, is utterly belied by SA’s deeds.
Thus, while Socialist Action raises the call for the immediate withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Iraq, SA has pushed, and continues to push, “antiwar” coalitions in which the interests of the exploited and oppressed are subordinated to those of the class enemy. SA has been among the “best builders” of exactly the “Anybody but Bush” credo it claims to abhor, for example, through its work in the class-collaborationist United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ). Seeking “unity” with anything that passed for an “antiwar” Democrat, UFPJ refused to raise the elementary call for military defense of Iraq against the U.S. onslaught. Ditto the ANSWER coalition of Workers World Party and Party for Socialism and Liberation, and the Not In Our Name (NION) initiative of the Revolutionary Communist Party.
The SL and Spartacus Youth Clubs fought against this class collaboration and forthrightly called for defense of Iraq, making clear that such defense implied not an iota of political support to the capitalist regime of Saddam Hussein—an all-purpose tool of the imperialists and butcher of Communists, Kurds and many others in Iraq. Against the parties of U.S. imperialism, the trade-union bureaucrats, who are tied in the main to the Democrats, and the reformist left, we seek to win the working class to the program of revolutionary internationalism, to class struggle in “the belly of the beast” against the depredations of its “own” ruling class.
In its social-pacifist “antiwar” work, Socialist Action is virtually indistinguishable from the ISO and a host of other groupings in what passes for the American left. SA embraces not the revolutionary Trotskyist tradition of the early Socialist Workers Party of James P. Cannon, but the tradition of the latter-day SWP in full reformist flower. SA issued from the SWP many years after the SWP’s qualitative degeneration in 1965, which was marked not least by its work as “best builders” of the popular-frontist National Peace Action Coalition (NPAC) during the Vietnam War. In its statement “A fighting socialist campaign!” SA boasts of Mackler: “During the Vietnam War, he served on the National Committee of the National Peace Action Coalition.”
NPAC constituted the right wing of the movement against U.S. imperialism’s dirty losing war in Vietnam. While the best of the youth radicalized by the struggle against the Vietnam War stood for the military victory of the National Liberation Front/Democratic Republic of Vietnam (NLF/DRV) forces, NPAC was busy sealing its alliance with the defeatist wing of the bourgeoisie, which sought to cut U.S. imperialism’s losses in Indochina. This alliance was sealed with the blood of leftists. At a July 1971 NPAC conference, SWP goons viciously physically attacked members of the SL and Progressive Labor-SDS who protested Democratic Senator Vance Hartke, a keynote speaker at that conference.
Mythology about the “broad movement” that forced the withdrawal of American imperialism from Vietnam to the contrary, the U.S. was defeated on the battleground by the heroic Vietnamese workers and peasants—a victory for the world working class. We in the SL not only called for the military victory of the NLF/DRV forces, we also raised the call: “All Indochina must go Communist!” The SL and SYCs continue to fight today for revolutionary internationalist opposition to the depredations of U.S. imperialism, insisting that only with the victory of socialist revolution will its wars, invasions, occupations and counterrevolutionary machinations be brought to an end. We also fight for the unconditional military defense of the deformed workers states against imperialist attack and internal counterrevolution—i.e., defense of those states where capitalism has been overthrown, namely Vietnam, Cuba, North Korea and China.
The Russian Question: Socialist Action vs. Trotskyism
SA’s campaign program contains the pacifist, anti-revolutionary demand: “No to nuclear power and nuclear weapons!” Pandering to the same eco-faddist, petty-bourgeois milieu from which the Greens recruit, this demand is counterposed to the Leninist understanding of the need for dependent countries under imperialist threat, such as Iran, to have nukes for their defense. It is also counterposed to the Trotskyist position of unconditional military defense of the deformed workers states. Given U.S. saber-rattling against North Korea and hostility to China’s nuclear arsenal, this issue is posed pointblank.
Despite any formal pretensions to Trotskyism it may claim, SA’s support to the forces of capitalist counterrevolution in the former Soviet bloc is programmatically indistinguishable from the openly “Third Camp” reformists of the ISO. Thus, the masthead of its newspaper, Socialist Action, is designed to imitate that of Lech Walesa’s Polish Solidarno??. Solidarno?? —the only “union” beloved by Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, the CIA, the Pope and Western bankers—consolidated in 1981 around a program of counterrevolution against the Polish deformed workers state. As Trotskyists, we forthrightly supported the suppression of its counterrevolutionary bid for power. In contrast, in 1981, when still in the SWP, future SA honcho Nat Weinstein demonstrated alongside “Captive Nations” anti-Communists at a rally for “poor little Solidarno??.”
The capitalist counterrevolution that eventually prevailed in the former Soviet Union and Eastern bloc states represented a profound defeat for the proletariat worldwide, decimating the industrial-military powerhouse of the non-capitalist world. We Trotskyists fought tooth and nail against counterrevolution, from the former East German workers state to the USSR. Today, triumphalist U.S. imperialism has its sights set on counterrevolutionary overturn in China, Cuba, North Korea and Vietnam. While SA calls for defense of Cuba, their defense combines sloganeering for such supportable but minimal demands like “End the blockade and embargo of Cuba!” with uncritical political adulation of the Castro bureaucracy. But the Stalinist, nationalist policy of “socialism in one country” pursued by Castro has undermined the defense of the Cuban Revolution. In Cuba, as in the other deformed workers states, we raise the call for proletarian political revolution to sweep away the bureaucratic misleaders and return to the road of Lenin and Trotsky’s revolutionary internationalism.
Cuba is popular in rad-lib circles, and SA’s position costs it little. Rather it adds a little “left” gloss to SA’s stodgy, Stalinophobic reformism. Not so popular is the Chinese deformed workers state, a chief target of U.S. imperialist encirclement and economic pressure, which SA has written off as capitalist. Thus, SA’s 2005 Political Resolution stated: “Among the Stalinists, of course, are the Maoists, whose legacy is the restoration of capitalism in China and the immiseration of hundreds of millions.” Such a position echoes not only rad-lib sentiment but also the protectionist, chauvinist China-bashing of the trade-union bureaucracy. In contrast, we advance the necessity to forge a Leninist-Trotskyist party to lead China’s huge and powerful working class, at the head of the peasants and urban poor, in a proletarian political revolution. In so doing, we seek to win working people in the U.S. to the necessity to defend the gains of the 1949 Chinese Revolution against the machinations of the U.S. rulers and the labor traitors who serve them.
State and Revolution: Socialist Action vs. Leninism
Despite left-sounding verbiage in the SA campaign supplement that “We fight for a break with class-collaboration policies of both the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win national federations,” the fact is that among SA’s first political acts after emerging from the SWP was to serve as goons for the San Francisco labor bureaucracy when thousands of Bay Area workers took to the streets to stop scab buses during the 1983 Greyhound strike. As for the elementary principle of keeping the bosses and their courts out of union affairs, a prominent SA supporter in New York City transit, Marty Goodman, was a longtime member of New Directions—a lash-up of union-suers—in TWU Local 100. SA’s words here are again contradicted by its deeds.
Then there are SA’s garden-variety reformist campaign demands to “tax the rich” and its utopian/Laborite call to “nationalize bankrupt corporations under workers’ control!” Marxists know that the interests of labor and capital are irreconcilable. But SA’s demands imply a touching faith in the existing system and its state to act in the interests of the working class, a stance counterposed to the revolutionary program of expropriation of the bourgeoisie through workers revolution and the establishment of proletarian state power.
Victory in the struggle for socialist revolution in the U.S. requires the recognition that a cornerstone of American capitalism is the oppression of black people, segregated at the bottom of society as a race-color caste. The unfinished tasks of the second American revolution—the Civil War which smashed the Southern slavocracy—must be finished by a third, proletarian revolution. The plight of death-row political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal—award-winning journalist, former Black Panther and later a MOVE supporter—exemplifies the racist nature of the capitalist state, not least its use of the barbaric death penalty, a modern version of lynch-rope terror. At every level the courts have declared that Mumia, framed up for the killing of Philadelphia cop Daniel Faulkner, has no rights they are bound to respect. Mountains of evidence of his innocence, including the confession of Arnold Beverly that he, not Mumia, killed Faulkner, have been dismissed by the judicial system.
SA and Mackler have been among the most prominent and consistent advocates of mobilizing under the call for a “new trial” for Mumia. That call is consciously tailored to appeal to mainstream bourgeois liberals who see Mumia’s case as an isolated “miscarriage of justice” rather than the conscious political frame-up it is. Such an approach demobilized millions who had earlier rallied to Mumia’s defense, including the worldwide outpouring of workers and youth in 1995 which stayed the executioner’s hand at that time. Recently, the misnamed, SA-led “Mobilization to Free Mumia Abu-Jamal” held a June 9 rally in the Bay Area that encapsulated this failed strategy in the demands: “One court decision from execution! One court decision from new trial & freedom!” While advocating the pursuit of all possible legal proceedings on Mumia’s behalf, we place no faith in the “justice” of the capitalist courts. Rather, we place our confidence in the power of the multiracial organized workers movement, which has every interest in fighting for Mumia’s freedom and must be mobilized independently of the very forces of the capitalist state that framed him up and seek his death.
In The State and Revolution, Lenin emphasized Marx’s point from the 1872 preface to the Communist Manifesto: “The working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.” Lenin’s work on this document was “interrupted” by the Russian October Revolution of 1917, led by the Bolshevik Party. Counterposed to the reformist SA, we seek to build a party on the model of the Bolsheviks, to lead the fight for new Octobers! The fake left longs to see the Democrats “fight”—including through the pressure tactic of support to the bourgeois Green Party. SA’s claim to stand as socialists against all the bourgeois parties is the basis for our extending critical support to it. At the same time, clearly, the reformist, “Anybody but Bush” content of SA’s program is an obstacle to revolution. Vote Jeff Mackler!

Socialist Action running for the Senate


Socialist Action in the USA are running their national secretary, Jeff mackler, for the Senate against Democrat Diane Feinstein and others.
Rumour has it he rejected the flinching support of the Spartacist League/USA. See
http://www.icl-fi.org/english/wv/876/votemackler.html

and also see:

http://www.socialistaction.org/macklerforsenate/index.html

What fun!

Mikey

Friday, October 06, 2006

Last ever edition of UK Workers Action?


This is the last ever edition of Workers Action out, or is it??

Socialist Viewpoint website


See the following US socialist website for some excellent materials:

www.socialistviewpoint.org

Party of Socialism and Liberation


Here is the logo from their site:

Demo called by the Maoist RCP


We were briefly on an antiwar demo today called by the group known as the RCP, led by "Chairman Bob Avakian".

This was a large and lively demo with lots of young people on it, for more info see:

http://www.worldcantwait.org/